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						| Back | Madison's 
						1st Inaugural Address Washington D.C., March 4, 
						1809
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				| Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered authority, 
				I avail myself of the occasion now presented to express the 
				profound impression made on me by the call of my country to the 
				station to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself by 
				the most solemn of sanctions. So distinguished a mark of 
				confidence, proceeding from the deliberate and tranquil suffrage 
				of a free and virtuous nation, would under any circumstances 
				have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me 
				with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Under the 
				various circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to the 
				existing period, I feel that both the honor and the 
				responsibility allotted to me are inexpressibly enhanced. 
 The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel, 
				and that of our own country full of difficulties. The pressure 
				of these, too, is the more severely felt because they have 
				fallen upon us at a moment when the national prosperity being at 
				a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from the 
				change has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign 
				influence of our republican institutions, and the maintenance of 
				peace with all nations whilst so many of them were engaged in 
				bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy were 
				enjoyed in an unrivaled growth of our faculties and resources. 
				Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in 
				the successful enterprises of commerce, in the progress of 
				manufactures and useful arts, in the increase of the public 
				revenue and the use made of it in reducing the public debt, and 
				in the valuable works and establishments everywhere multiplying 
				over the face of our land.
 
 It is a precious reflection that the transition from this 
				prosperous condition of our country to the scene which has for 
				some time been distressing us is not chargeable on any 
				unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involuntary errors 
				in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on 
				the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true 
				glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing 
				justice, and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations 
				at war by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most 
				scrupulous impartiality. If there be candor in the world, the 
				truth of these assertions will not be questioned; posterity at 
				least will do justice to them.
 
 This unexceptionable course could not avail against the 
				injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage 
				against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, 
				principles of retaliation have been introduced equally contrary 
				to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their 
				arbitrary edicts will be continued in spite of the 
				demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given 
				by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempt to 
				induce a revocation of them, can not be anticipated. Assuring 
				myself that under every vicissitude the determined spirit and 
				united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor 
				and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me 
				with no other discouragement than what springs from my own 
				inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink under the weight 
				of this deep conviction it is because I find some support in a 
				consciousness of the purposes and a confidence in the principles 
				which I bring with me into this arduous service.
 
 To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations 
				having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere 
				neutrality toward belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases 
				amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences 
				to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign 
				intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all 
				countries and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of 
				independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud 
				to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices 
				ourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; 
				to hold the Union of the states as the basis of their peace and 
				happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of 
				the Union, as well in its Limitations as in its authorities; to 
				respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and to 
				the people as equally incorporated with and essential to the 
				success of the general system; to avoid the slightest 
				interference with the rights of conscience or the functions of 
				religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to 
				preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in 
				behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the 
				press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate 
				the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public 
				debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military 
				force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is 
				the firmest bulwark of republics that without standing armies 
				their Liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe; 
				to promote by authorized means improvements friendly to 
				agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as 
				internal commerce; to favor in like manner the advancement of 
				science and the diffusion of information as the best ailment to 
				true Liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been 
				so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal 
				neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life 
				to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind 
				and manners are susceptible in a civilized state as far as 
				sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment 
				of my duty, they will be a resource which can not fail me.
 
 It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am 
				to tread lighted by examples of illustrious services 
				successfully rendered in the most trying difficulties by those 
				who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor 
				it might least become me here to speak. I may, however, be 
				pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is 
				full in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a 
				beloved country, gratefully bestowed for exalted talents 
				zealously devoted through a long career to the advancement of 
				its highest interest and happiness.
 
 But the source to which I look for the aids which alone can 
				supply my deficiencies is in the well tried intelligence and 
				virtue of my fellow citizens, and in the counsels of those 
				representing them in the other departments associated in the 
				care of the national interests. In these my confidence will 
				under every difficulty be best placed, next to that which we 
				have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and 
				guidance of that Almighty Being whose power regulates the 
				destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously 
				dispensed to this rising republic, and to whom we are bound to 
				address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our 
				fervent supplications and best hopes for the future.
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